How Medieval Gynocentrism in India shaped the European Tradition of Courtly Love - Part 5
Courtly Love and Women in Ancient India and the Arabic – Hebrew Narratives in Poetry and Art in Mozarabic Al Andalus in Spain and the Iberian Penisula!
5. Occitan and Aquitaine under the Leader of Eleanor and the Muslim Connection!
It is under those historical developments that all of this has culminated during the reign of Eleanor of Aquitaine, the queen and mother of the troubadours and as we have seen at the beginning of the discourse spread first to Italy, then to Germany, and from there all over Europe. Eleanor of Aquitaine (1137-1152) was one of the most powerful and influential figures of the Middle Ages. As John Davis elaborates in his book “Inheriting a vast estate at the age of fifteen made her the most sought-after bride of her generation. She would eventually become the queen of France, the queen of England, and the crusade to the Holy Land. She is also credited with establishing and preserving many of the courtly rituals of chivalry. Courtly rituals of chivalry refer to an actual court system, presided over by Eleanor of Aquitaine herself, her daughter Marie and sixty other women (but not a single man). They were known as “les cours d’amour” – “The Courts of Love.” This amounted to little more than state-sponsored feminism. In this “court” system, Eleanor, a woman, and sixty other women were the sole arbiters of customs between men and women engaged in intimacy. If a woman felt aggrieved by her lover, she would bring her complaint to the Court and either Eleanor, Marie, or other high-born women would “resolve” the dispute. The queen’s resolutions were enforceable using the queen’s command over state violence. They were also enforceable through severe social sanctions such as shunning. In addition, literary poets and troubadours of the time spread gynocentric viewpoints of the powerful Queen Eleanor all across Europe. The literary poets and troubadours were the “mainstream media” of the time. The gynocentric judgments of les cours d’amour (the courts of love), coupled with Eleanor’s political power as Queen of both France and England, ensured that the gynocentric attitudes of the Poitevin Code [the courts of love were located in Poitiers in the South of France] became the law and the prevailing gender attitudes across most of Europe. What were the codes of the courts of love?
Davis continues and writes, that the most accurate statement comes from a scholar writing in 1937 in a well-respected journal article. Writing in Speculum: A Journal of Mediaeval Studies (January 1937), Amy Kelly writes: “In the Poitevin code, man is the property, the very thing of woman.” Chivalry, therefore, had little or nothing to do with equality between men and women. Chivalry became modern feminism, in which men are merely “disposable property and things,” for women who want to “have it all.” This “Court of Love,” and the Poitevin code, evolved over the ensuing 800 years into what we now know as the “system of family courts.” Although many male judges are presiding over our system of “family courts,” those males have been subjected to eight hundred years of gynocentric conditioning and modern feminism. As a result, current “family courts” isolate most Fathers from their children, strip the Fathers of their assets and income (through alimony, property distributions, and child support), and routinely seize children to be placed into the “foster home” or adoption system of the State pending the award of sole custody to the mother.
Nothing could be more pleasing to modern feminism than this wholesale destruction of the nuclear family by the state. To quote one modern feminist, Linda Gordon: “The nuclear family must be destroyed, and people must find better ways of living together… Whatever its ultimate meaning, the break-up of families now is an objectively revolutionary process Families will be finally destroyed only when a revolutionary social and economic organization permits people’s needs for love and security to be met in ways that do not impose divisions of labor, or any external roles, at all.” However noble chivalry may have been considered in medieval times, what is clear is that modern feminism has used the obligations men feel to be “chivalrous” in a way that imposes only burdens and responsibilities on men, and bestows lofty rights and privileges on women. The concept of chivalry has now evolved (or corrupted) to impose unwarranted and unnecessary privileges upon women, solely at the expense of men.
In response to this, it must be pointed out that the Christian kings of northern Spain were not the only channel for an introduction to Spanish Muslim culture at this time. No Poitevin of the early Xllth century could have avoided having quite a great deal about Muslim Spain even without having traveled there. Spanish Muslim culture had been penetrating southwestern France, including Aquitaine and Poitou, in various forms since the middle of the Xlth century, well before William’s day and signs of it would have been recognizable as such to any observant individual at the time. Thus, the architects of the new Romanesque churches being built in great numbers in Aquitaine in the later Xlth and Xllth centuries, incorporated into their structures several elements of design and motifs of decoration which have been traced recently to Spanish Muslim architecture and ultimately to the great IXth century mosque in Cordoba. Though the details surrounding these borrowings are lost to scholars today, they must have resulted from Aquitanian architect builders having seen the mosque of Cordoba, or other buildings derived from it, during travels in Islamic Spain. Impressed by what they saw they must have decided to emulate certain features in churches they were then constructing at home.
Indeed, all of the above intrinsic historical contexts of almost a Millenium were the historical frame in which the troubadours sang praise songs of women, based upon the Arab Muslim influence as well as the forbidden love song of infidelity and the elevation of female status to Goddesses that happen under the influence of Muslim Arabic gynocentrism and courtly love. This was also the time of the first poetesses / female troubadours who were also active precursors of modern women’s poetry and art. In England, women were highly active in the literary occupations of poetry. In my methodological inquiry, I have used a sociological approach to this situation asserting not only the religious and cultural emancipation of women but in fact, elevating themselves to the status of Goddesses and men as their servants! Again, this is a possibility not only to outline more clearly the phenomenon of female self-realization in medieval Europe at the forefront of the dualist heresy but the development of the attainment of special female privileges carrying out many striking comparisons with the more obvious hallmarks of modern feminism and contemporary misandry.
And here, at the most inner realm, the phenomenon of the troubadours as a part of the Cathar culture of Southern France in Languedoc and Aquitaine, and consequently feminism as a derivative of the Cathars and the Troubadours, especially under Queen Eleanor of Aquitaine, incorporates a secrete and ancient cult of the Black Madonna, representing the old great Goddess and female wisdom. A cult that was combined with Esoteric heresies like the Cathars and the more ancient Gnostic paths like Manichaeism, Zoroastrianism, and the Bogomils of the Balkan the Black Madonna cult was a secret, mystic love cult behind the Troubadours, which consisted of the veneration of a Black Sophia goddess in Gnostic-Cathar cave sanctuaries. Begg discovers in Languedoc a mysterious love cult that worshiped a feminine goddess; in fact, a “Black Sophia.” Intriguingly, as he points out, one of the most famous shrines dedicated to the “Black Madonna” is in this very region in the South of France. To Gnostics, there was one all-embracing feminine wisdom, including both the virgin and the whore, which they called Sophia or the Holy Spirit. They identified her with the vision to John on Patmos of ‘a woman clothed with the sun and the moon under her feet, and upon her head, a crown of twelve stars (Revelation 12.1) and they invoked her as ‘Lady’. . . .For the simple people, on the other hand, the Black Virgin no doubt continued to be what she had been for some thirty millennia, the manifestation of the Great Goddess.
This was also the historical context in which the Cathar-Troubadour counter-culture (“the feminine culture of the South”) of Occitan, whose people thought of themselves as fiercely independent of the King and the Pope, was attacking the social order of the medieval period on two fronts: the Cathars were subverting religion—the heretical Church of AMOR undermining the Church of ROMA—and the Troubadours were undermining feudalism. Seen this way, the Cathar-Troubadour phenomenon was a rebellion against the prevailing social mores, the same way as feminism does today aims at destroying family, men, and society. Thus, the Cathar-Troubadour movement may have represented an underground mood of profound dissatisfaction with the Church and its entire theocratic social order. Other scholars have noted the connection of certain Cathar rites reflected in the Troubadour conception of their “Lady.” One scholar puts this in the context of the Cathar’s and Troubadour’s shared sense of freedom from the Church of Rome (a sense that seemed to pervade the region of Occitan) and also brings in a reference to the Arab Muslim influence as demonstrated by Rumi that saw the woman as not being created, as God. Here, the Cathar parfaite (a woman who had passed through the Cathar “baptism of fire” or spiritual baptism, the Consolamentum) may have been a romantic subject for the enamored troubadour. The parfaite was chaste, was good, was spiritually pure and her heart was fixed on the divine world. This was exactly the depiction of the woman in the Sufi tradition, especially that of Rumi.
This is also the time, that in the castles of the Languedoc could be heard music from the Arab world with delicately woven words, loosening the bonds of the body and leading a fortunate nobility to love. There was a “liberal” spirit in the air. At a time when it was forbidden to write in old Provençal when it was forbidden to think in any way other than that of the Church of Rome, “things were written, they were sung, they were said, and it was said that the people needed to be free. They needed to free themselves from the tutelage of the Church, they needed to free themselves from the constraint of writing in Latin, and that was important.” Dante was to write in thirteenth-century Florence, “It is in the Occitan language (la langue d’oc) that the exponents of the living language have made themselves the firsts (or masters) of Poesy (De vulgari Eloquentia). Significantly, the Cathar perfecti made the gospels available in Occitan. This was the world in which the Cathars emerged with a message of simple spirituality. They were welcomed by many into a world that longed for purity and independence. And that was the gynocentric, misandrist, liberal and progressive D.N.A that was passed through the troubadours and spread around the world in what would have been born as modern-day Pop Culture
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19. Tora and Veda (Web Site)
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21. Troubadour Contacts with Muslim Spain and Knowledge of Arabic : New Evidence Concerning William IX of Aquitaine – George T. Beech
22. Davis A. Wacks – Jewish Troubadour in Spain
23. Douglas Galbi – Rise of the all-powerful chess queen & Gratien Dupont’s protest
24. Macdonell, A.A. (2002). Vedic mythology. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas.
25. Oguibenine, B. (1998). Essays on Vedic and Indo-European culture. New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas.
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27. Arthur Berriedale Keith, The Religion and Philosophy of the Veda and Upani~ads, 2 vol., Cambrigde
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Further Reading and Citations”
1) On the rise of the troubadours, the most convincing argument that
troubadour poetry grew out of ‘informal acculturation 1 from
Spanish-Arabic origins is deftly summarised in A. MacKay, Spain
in the Middle Ages; from Frontier to Empire. 1000-1500. (London,
1977), 90-4, although the alternative theories are given in T. S.
R. Boase, The Origin and Meaning of Courtly Love. (Manchester,
For the relationship between troubadours and heresy, see. D. de
Rougemont, L’Amour et L’Occident. 2nd edn., (Paris, 1956), 68-76,
[first published 1939] who desribes an elaborate code by which
the troubadours referred to Cathar concepts. His ideas have
subsequently been largely discredited, (Boase. 80) and Davenson
could later write that there would be no need to take the idea
seriously, had it not been proposed by such an eminent figure [H.
Davenson, Les Troubadours. (Paris, 1961), 142-4]. A less
explicit connection between Cathars and troubadours was suggested
from de Rougemont’s arguments by R. S. Briffault, The
Troubadours. (Bloomington, Indiana, 1965) [first published in
French, (Paris, 1945)]. Briffault argues that the Church
disapproved of troubadour ‘immorality’ at the same time as Cathar
beliefs and troubadours responded by turning to orthodox
religious themes [147-57].
Present scholarship has been cautious in drawing any direct link
between troubadours and heresy. See R. Nelli, Les Cathars.
(Paris, 1972) 106-9 and Duvernov. Religion (I). 271-9. The
current position is described in Robert Lafont’s article
‘Catharisme et litterature occitane: la marque par 1’absence’ in
Les Cathares en Occitanie. ed. R. Lafont, (Paris, 1982), 350-89.
2) J. Boutiere and A. H. Schutz, Biographies des Troubadour’s. (Paris
3) Boutiere and Schutz. 239-43.
4) Boutiere and jchutz. 16-9.
‘Jaufre Rudel of Blaye was a very noble man, prince of Blaye. 1
5) The Vidas of the Troubadours, trans. M. Egan, (New York 1984),
6) A good example of an inaccurate vida which can be cross-checked
and remains useful is that of Raimbaut de Vaqueiras in The Poems
of the Troubadour Raimbaut de Vaqueiras. ed. J. Linskill (The
Hague 1964), 65-76 and Introduction.
7) Boutiere and Schutz. 218.
‘He was a joqlar of little merit, and he travelled little and was
8) J. Lindsay, The Troubadours and their World. (London 1976), 120
and Anthology of the Provencal Troubadours, ed. T. Bergin et al,
(Yale 1973), vol. 1, 115.
9) Boutiere and Schutz. 491-2.
‘and he was welcomed among good society, but was a man of little
conversation, of poor appearance and little worth. 1
10 Berqin. vol. 1, 58.
11) For example La Comtessa de Dia [Boutiere and Schutz. 445-6], Ne
Castellaz fBoutiere and Schutz. 333-4] and Na Lombarda [ Boutiere
and Schutz. – 416-9]. See also M. Bogin, The Women Troubadours.
12) Boutiere and Schutz. 7-8.
13) Boutiere and Schutz. 10-13.
14) Boutiere and Schutz. 9.
15) Moore. 203.
16) Peire de Valeira, Peire Rogier, Bernart de Ventadour, Guiraut de
Bornelh. Various references in poems and vidas suggest that the
last three may have come from poor backgrounds. See Boutiere ana
Schutz. 14-15, 267-70, 20-8, 40-2.
17) Boutiere and Schutz. 441-4, 299-300 respectively.
18) Boutiere and Schutz. 523-4, 149-52 respectively.
19) Boutiere and Schutz. 263-6.
20) Boutiere and Schutz. GUI’Hem de Berguedan 527-9, Guillem de Saint
Leidier 271-3, Raimon Jordan 159-66, Bertran ds Born 65-7, Albert
Marques 559, Azalais de Porcairagues 341-2, La Comtessa de Dia
445-6, Amfos d’Aragon 525-6.
21) Boutiere and Schutz. Peire Bremon lo Tort 497, Arnaut Daniel 59-
61, Raimon de Durfort and Turc Malec 147-8, Guiraudo lo Ros 345-
6, Raimbaut de Vaqueyras 447-50, Almuc de Castelnou and Iseut de
22) Boutiere and Schutz. Folquet de Marseille 503-4, Sail d’Escola
63, Gaucelm Faidit 167-9, Peire Vidal (son of a furrier) 351-5,
Peire Raimon 347-8.
23) Folquet de Marseilla was at the court of Lord Barcl de Marseilles
FRoutiere and Schutz. 470-1]. Arnaut de Maroill was at the court
of Roger II Taillefer fBoutiere and Schutz. 32-3]. Sail d’Escola
was at the court of Ermengarde of Narbonne [Boutiere and Schutz.
64]. Gaucelm Faidit was at the court of Marie de Ventadour,
Raimon d’Argout, Hugh IX Count of La Marche [Boutiere and Schutz.
167-9]. See Berqin. vol. 1, 128.
Jordan Bonel was at the court of Na Guibors de Montausier and
Peire Vidat was at the court of Baral of Marseilles fLindsav.
24) Guiraudo lo Ros was at the court of Amfos, brother of Raymond V
of Toulouse fBoutiere and Schutz. 167-9] and Bertran de Born was
at the court of Henry the Young King, Richard Duke of Aquitaine
and possibly Geoffrey Duke of Brittany [Boutiere and Schutz. 65-
7]. See Lindsav. 144-7.
Peire de la Mula was at the court of Boniface of Montferrat and
Ottone, Court of Carreto fBoutiere and Schutz. 560] and Raimbaut
de Vaqueiras was at the court of Boniface of Montferrat [Boutiere
and Schutz, 447-50]. See Raimbaut de Vaqueiras. 6-7.
Guilhelm Magret was at the court of Peter II of Aragon, Alfons IX
of Leon fBoutiere and Schutz. 493-4]. Peire Raimon de Tolosa was
at the court of Alfonso II of Aragon, Guilhem VIII of Montpellier
and Raymond V or VI of Toulouse FBoutiere and Schutz. 347-8].
25) Moore. 200-3. Mansi. vol. 22, cols. 167-68.
26) Duvernov. Histoire (II). 207. Miqne. PL. vol. 181, cols. 1721-2.
27) Jordan of Saxony. 7.
28) Boutiere and Schutz. 32-5.
29) Boutiere and Schutz. 267-70. The Poems of the Troubadour Peire
Roqier. ed. D. E. T. Nicholson, (Manchester, 1976), 2.
30) S. Packard, Twelfth Century Europe. (Massachusetts, 1973), 226-7.
Packard cites the influence of classical learning on the
troubadours. See also Linda M. Paterson, Troubadours and
Eloquence. (Oxford, 1975).
31) Sumption. 59.
32) Les Poesies Lvriques du Troubadour Arnaut de Mereuil. ed. R. C.
Johnston, (Paris, 1935), xi-xvii. In his introduction, Johnston
states that Roger II was himself Arnaut’s patron.
33) Sumption. 59-60. Moore. 236.
34) Peire Vidal, Poesie. ed. D’A. S. Avalle, vol. 1 of 2, (Milan,
Naples, 1960), 95-6.
35) Mundv. Liberty. 76-80.
36) F. A. Ugolini, La Poesia Provenzale e 1’Italia. (Modena, 1939)
did valuable work on listing the Southern French troubadours in
Italy and their patrons. However, much is based on internal
evidence from the troubadours’ work. For his comments on Peire
37) Boutiere and Schutz. 263.
38) The controversy centres round two points:
(a) who was the author of the vida and what did autra mon refer
(b) the status of so-called corroborative evidence that Peire
d’Alvernhe knew of the work of contemporary Lombard poets
around 1170, from a reference in stanza 13 of Cantarai
On (a) see the debate in Boutiere and Schutz, 266, n.2.
On (b) see Peire d’Alvernhe, Liriche: testa, traduzione e note,
ed. A. Del Monte, (Turin, 1953), 126, Berqin. vol. 2, 27 and C.
Pasquali, ‘II Piu Antico Trovatore Italiano’ in Uqolini, 118-20.
Pasquali concludes that the Italian poet probaiJy lived in
39) Boutiere and Schutz. 560-61.
40) Boutiere and Schutz, 351-55.
41) Raimbaut de Vaqueiras, 31. J. Longnon, ‘Les Troubadours a la
Cour de Boniface de Montferrat et en Orient’, Revue de Svnthese.
vol. 23, (1948), 45-6 puts the date of the first meeting between
Raimbaut de Vaqueiras and Boniface at 1175, but this seems
unlikely. Pasquali puts it as around 1184. See ‘La Vita di
Rimbaldo di Vaqueiras’ in Uqolini. 68.
42) Raimbaut de Vaqueiras. 108-16. Ara.m diqatz. Rambaut, si vos
aqrada. The other court in Italy which may have been involved in
Provencal poetry was that of Marchesopulo Pelavicino, whose
daughter may have been the ‘Isabella’ who shared a tenso with
Elias Cairel in the early thirteenth century. Boqin. 111-3.
43) Boutiere and Schutz. 470-3.
44) Runciman. Crusades, vol. 3, 37-8.
44) The Poetrv of Arnaut Daniel, ed. J. J. Wilhelm, (New York, 1981),
2-5. For the idea that the initial themes of the troubadours
were becoming played out, see L. T. Topsfield, Troubadours and
Love. (Cambridge, 1975), 244-5. J. Anglade, Les Troubadours.
(Paris, 1903), 172-3.
46) Dante Alighieri, La Dlvlna Commedia. ed. and trans. G. L.
Bickersteth (Oxford, 1972), Purgatorio, canto 26, lines 115-48,
especially lines 117-9.
47) Berqin. vol. 1, 13-15.
48) Raimbaut de Vaqueiras. 218-24.
49) A. Press, An Anthology of Troubadour Poetry. (Edinburgh, 1973),
‘I see the whole world in the grip of guile and treachery; and so
many are the unbelievers that right and good faith scarce hold
sway, for each one is eager to betray his friend so as to enrich
himself. Yet the betrayers are as much betrayed as he who drinks
poison with milk.’
50) Histoire Generale de Lanquedoc, vol 6, Barral, 181; Roger II
Trencavel, 6, 155; Ermengarde, 6, 48.
51) P. Meyer, ‘Les Troubadours a la cour des comtes de Toulouse 1 ,
Histoire Generale de Lanquedoc. vol. 7, 445.
52) Histoire Generale de Lanquedoc. vol. 6, 181-2; vol. 8, col. 1959.
53) Boutiere and Schutz. 68-71.
54) Arnaut Daniel, xi.
55) There is some discussion about this. See [Giraut de Borneil]
Giraldo de Borne!h. Trovatore del secolo XII. ed. B. Panvini,
(Catania, 1949), 19-20, 24 and The Poems of Avmeric de Pequilhan.
eds. W. P. Shepard and F. M. Chambers, (Evanston, Illinois,
56) Boutiere and Schutz, 425-31 and Aimeric de Pequilhan. 8-19.
57) Boutiere and Schutz. 503-4.
58) Boutiere and Schutz. 488-90.
59) Boutiere and Schutz. 508-9.
60) Boutiere and Schutz. 303-6 and Peirol; Troubadour of Auverqne.
ed. S. L. Aston, (Cambridge, 1953), 12-17.
61) Boutiere and Schutz. 252-3.
62) Boutiere and Schutz. 236-8.
63) Boutiere and Schutz. 434-5.
64) For reference sec table on page 109.
65) Boutiere and Schutz. 239-43.
66) The ‘Donatz Proensals’ of Uc Faidit. ed. J. H. Marshall, (Durham,
67) Boutiere and Schutz. 569-70.
68) Boutiere and Schutz. 581-3. The other two were Bertonone Zorzi
rBoutiere and Schutz. 576-7] and Sordel FBoutiere and Schutz.
563-4]. The latter spent much of his later career in Southern
69) Berqin. vol. 1, 248.
70) Anqlade. 172-3.
71) Briffault. 129-30.
72) Topsfield. 244.
73) For references see table on page 109.
74) M.-L. Meneghetti, II Pubblico dei Trovatori. (Modena, 1984), 248-
75) Arnaut Daniel. 40-3.
‘For her heart floods full into mine entirely, and it does not
subside; she has in truth practised usury so much that she owns
by it worker and workshop.’
76) Poesies Completes du Troubadour Peire Cardenal. ed. R. Lavaud,
(Toulouse, 1957), 160-8.
77) Berqin. vol. 1, 111-2.
78) Press. 246-9.
‘Ah! How can any man of good birth be so unashamed as to
bastardise his lineage for gold or silver?’
79) Press. 244-7.
‘Such do I yield myself, noble and true, to you who are peerless
in worth, that I would rather die in grief than that any pleasure
should come to me from you which, to the noble merit which dwells
in you might be of harm. And if every you find me otherwise
disposed towards you, then may you never have mercy or
80) Press. 312-5. For example:
‘Fis e verays e pui ferms que no suelh 1
81) Topsfield. 247.
82) Boutiere and Schutz. 159-60.
83) Press. 260-3.
‘But the Inquisition does not displease me; rather it pleases me
that they should pursue error, and with fair pleasant words
without anger, lead the lost heretics back to the faith, and that
he who repents should find sweet mercy and that they should so
conduct their business rightly that they do not lose sight of
right or wrong, such as they have of it. 1
84) Peire Cardenal, 206-15.
‘From here come out the heretics and the sandal-wearers that
swear and blaspheme and play at three dice: this the black friars
do in place of charity. 1
85) Boutiere and Schutz. 202-4.
86) M. Raynouard, Choix des Poesies Oriqinales des Troubadours, vol.
5 of 6, (Paris, 1870), 230 and see P. Meyer, ‘Le Debat d’lzarne
et de Sicart de Figueiras’, Annuaire Bulletin de la Societe de
1’Histoire de France, vol. 16, 1879, 233-292.
87) Peire Cardenal. no. 36, 222-7.
88) L. Varga, ‘Peire Cardenal etait-il heretique?’, Revue de
1’Histoire des Religions, vol. 117, 1938-9, 220.
89) Peire Cardenal. no. 38, 232-8.
90) Varga, 211. Hakefield and Evans, 380.
91) Peire Cardenal. no. 43, 254-8.
‘In the name of the rightful Lord, God who is Lord of all which
exists and noneexcept him is Lord.’
92) Varga, 216-7.
93) Topsfield. 251.
94) See below, Chapter 8, page 7.53-4.
95) Press. 258-61, lines 28-32.
‘Del tot vey remaner valor
Enquer dizon mais de folor:
Qu’aurfres a dompnas non s’eschai
Pero si dompna piegz no fai
Ni.n leva erguelh ni ricor,
Per qen tener no pert Dieu ni s’amor.’
‘Still more folly do they speak, saying that cloth of gold does
not befit ladies. Yet if a lady does no worse and feels neither
pride nor haughtiness for that, then through fine apparel she
loses neither God nor His love.’
96) Sumption. 180.
97) Little. 203-4.
98) Lindsav. 256. Peire Cardenal. 617-18.
99) Poesies de Uc de Saint-Circ. ed. A. Jeanroy and J.-J. Salverda de
Grave, (Toulouse, 1913), ix-xv.
100) F. Zufferey, ‘Un document relatif a Uc de Saint Circ a la
Bibliotheque Capitulaire de Trevise 1 , Cultura Neolatina. ann.
XXIV, (Modena, 1974), fasc. 1, 9-14.
‘Uc de Saint Circ promised on the orders of the Holy Church and
of master Bonifaccio de Pyro the receiving canon of Treviso in
turn [to pay] as much for action of usuries and ill-gotten gains
as for heresy and he has mortgaged to master Bonifaccio de Pyro
all the goods which he has. 1
101) Zufferey, 12-13.
102) T. P. McLaughlin, ‘The Teaching of the Canonists on Usury 1 ,
Medieval Studies, vol. 2, 1940, 7-11.
103) Uc de Saint Circ. 96-99.
104) Uc de Saint Circ. 87-90.
105) David A. Sack: The discussion about Jewish Troubadours and Joglares (under CCA Licence)
106) Andrew Roach: THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE ITALIAN
AND SOUTHERN FRENCH CATHARS, 1170-1320
107) Paiicavirpsabrahmaa, ed.by A.Vedii.ntavagisa, Calcutta 1870- 74
Theodor Aufrecht (Hrsg.), Die Hymnen des Rigveda, 2 Bde., Darmstadt 1955 (Nachdr. d. 2.Aufl.
108) Max Miiller (Ed.), Rig-Veda-Sruphita. The Sacred Hymns of the Brahma1_1s together with the Commentary of Sayanak[c]ii.rya, 4 Vols., London 1890 (Reprint: Varanasi 1983: Krishnadas
Sanskrit Series 3 7)